Mr. Erdogan, we "thank you" for reminding us every year of the Fall of Constantinople by your Ottoman ancestors.
Mr. Erdogan, we "thank you" for reminding us every year of the Fall of Constantinople by your Ottoman ancestors.
For yet another year, you have chosen to commemorate the anniversary of the Fall of Constantinople with grandiose events, dedicated to the573rd anniversary of its conquest. It is indeed remarkable that Turkey is perhaps the only country in the world that continues to systematically celebrate a military conquest as a major national event, and indeed with nationwide participation and state promotion. Thousands of citizens participated in the “March of the Fall” through the streets of Istanbul, accompanied by Ottoman military bands, historical representations and flags that referred to the conquests of the past.
Usually, peoples celebrate peace, liberation, independence, or revolutions that led them to freedom. National holidays in most democracies are associated with struggles against oppression, not with the imposition of sovereignty over other peoples. Perhaps, then, we should ask ourselves whether Western countries should imitate this practice and celebrate their own conquests and colonial expansions. The answer is obvious: the force does not necessarily remain in the possession of the conqueror forever. Mahatma Gandhi had pointed out that “what is gained by force can only be maintained by force.” The history of empires constantly confirms this observation.
You also claimed that the Fall of Constantinople “turned darkness into light.” This formulation raises reasonable questions. What was the darkness? The city that saved and transmitted ancient Greek literature to Europe? The city that was a center of art, theology, architecture, and commerce for centuries? Constantinople was indeed one of the most brilliant cities in world history. But this brilliance was created long before the arrival of the Ottomans and was based on the work of generations of Greeks, Romans, and Byzantines.
In the same vein, some contemporary Turkish discourses refer to ideals of conquest and expansion that supposedly continue to inspire the nation. If this is a political or ideological vision for the future, then it is worth remembering that the peoples of Europe and the region have chosen different values for decades: freedom, democracy, human rights, the rule of law and peaceful coexistence. These are the principles on which modern societies were built, not military conquests.
Do you really believe that Western democracies will teach their children that the enslavement of free peoples is a model to be emulated? That the conquest of foreign cities constitutes a moral achievement? No modern educational system treats history in this way.
Let us examine, then, what followed the fall of Constantinople. Many historical sources report that Mehmed II promised his soldiers three days of free plundering if they captured the city. After the entry of the Ottoman troops, Constantinople witnessed scenes of violence, plundering and destruction. Thousands of residents were killed or captured, while a large number of women and children were taken to the slave markets of the time. These are events recorded by both Byzantine and Western sources.
After the fall of Constantinople, Ottoman expansion continued into Europe. The Peloponnese, Central Greece, Albania, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Hungary gradually came under Ottoman rule. The two sieges of Vienna, in 1529 and 1683, were defining moments in European history. The Ottomans' failure to capture the Austrian capital halted their further advance into Central Europe.
The campaigns of that era were accompanied, as is unfortunately the case in most wars of the pre-modern period, by massacres, plunder and atrocities against civilians. These memories remain vivid among the peoples who found themselves under Ottoman rule and explain why the idealization of conquests still provokes reactions.
The peoples of Southeastern Europe have never stopped fighting for their freedom. Greeks, Serbs, Bulgarians, Romanians and other peoples have repeatedly rebelled and paid a heavy price to gain independence. This is the historical reality that explains why the word "freedom" still has such a deep meaning in their national memories.
You referred to those who “cannot digest the conquest of Constantinople” after 573 years. But the question can be returned: why does official Turkey continue to deny or avoid full recognition of tragic events such as the persecutions and genocides of Armenians, Pontians and Assyrians? Why does historical self-criticism remain so difficult?
The Greek Revolution of 1821 was followed by harsh reprisals in various regions of the Ottoman Empire. The Chios massacres of 1822 shocked the whole of Europe and strengthened the philhellene movement. Thousands of people were killed, while many more were captured and sold into slavery. These events were captured in testimonies, paintings and historical studies, leaving an indelible mark on the collective memory.
Mr. Erdogan, history cannot be treated selectively. One cannot only celebrate victories and silence the suffering they caused to other peoples. Memory is not erased with parades or solemn speeches. Societies mature when they recognize both the achievements and the mistakes of their past.
Mr. Erdogan, The true strength of a nation lies not in the glorification of conquest or the revival of imperial dreams. It lies in self-knowledge, in reconciliation with historical truth, in respect for human dignity, and in the defense of the freedom of all peoples. These are the values that stand the test of time. These are the values that unite people. And these are the values that ultimately defeat every empire.
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Date:
Wed, 06/03/2026 - 2:00 PM
Location:
2128 Rayburn House Office Building
Announcement
Please
join the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission for a hearing on challenges
to freedom, rule of law and democracy in Turkey (Türkiye), - including
political persecution, election manipulation, and censorship, and
prospects for a return to democratic governance, judicial independence,
free and fair elections, and respect for fundamental freedoms.
In
Freedom and the World 2026, Freedom House rates Turkey as “Not Free” –
as it has done since 2018. Yet the situation is growing worse. In the
aftermath of recent electoral setbacks for the ruling party, the Turkish
government has intensified its crackdown on political opposition,
independent media, civil society, religious minorities, and perceived
critics at home and abroad.
Among the most alarming developments has
been the March 2025 arrest and continued detention of Ekrem İmamoğlu,
widely regarded as the leading opposition challenger to President
Erdoğan. İmamoğlu’s detention, which came shortly before his anticipated
presidential candidacy, has raised grave concerns regarding judicial
independence, politically motivated prosecutions, and the integrity of
future elections in Turkey. Prosecutors have reportedly pursued multiple
overlapping charges carrying extraordinary potential prison sentences,
while authorities have detained thousands of demonstrators protesting
his arrest. The government continues to flout binding judgments of the
European Court of Human Rights.
Human rights advocates estimate that
over 15,000 political prisoners remain incarcerated in Turkey, including
journalists, lawyers, elected officials, academics, civil society
leaders, and democracy activists. The government continues to target
Kurdish politicians and religious activists, and growing concerns
regarding transnational repression directed at critics residing outside
Turkey.
Residents of Turkey also face escalating censorship and
restrictions on freedom of expression, including court-ordered blocking
of online content, social media accounts, and opposition news platforms;
criminal investigations and prosecutions targeting online speech. The
government continues to repress religious and ethnic minorities in
Turkey, including through restrictions affecting the Ecumenical
Patriarchate of Constantinople and the Halki Seminary.
Witnesses will
discuss the broader trajectory of democratic backsliding in Turkey,
implications for regional stability and the NATO alliance, and policy
options available to the United States and Congress in support of
democracy and human rights.
The hearing will be held in person and is
open to Members of Congress, congressional staff, the interested
public, and the media. The hearing will be livestreamed via the
Commission website. For any questions, please contact Mark Milosch (for
Co-Chair Smith) or Todd Stein (for Co-Chair McGovern).
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